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Ideological challenge emerged from two other directions. The reform community objected to the community’s public representative being an orthodox rabbi, regardless of his personal qualities and professional competence, but the rabbi of the Great Synagogue was so entrenched that his reform counterpart at Temple Emanuel had to find other avenues of eminence. The strictly orthodox rabbis felt that the head of the orthodox rabbinate should insist on greater orthodoxy within his own congregation. The Great Synagogue had had a Clarks Leisa Higley ueoUc8fHmu
since about 1870, and they felt that Porush should take steps to disband it. This challenge was not so much Eastern versus Western European: it was more religio-political than ethnic.

In the meantime, smaller synagogues appointed “German” rabbis such as Dr Alexander Grozinger and Dr Benjamin Gottshall. The “British” rabbis were also partly in the Germanic mould, often graduates of Jews’ College with its German-style faculty members (if I may be personal, this was my own situation since, though born in Melbourne, I was influenced as a child by Billigheimer and then studied at Jews’ College).[24] The reform rabbis were also the products of German-type scholarship at the Hebrew Union College in the United States and later the Leo Baeck College in London.

The major congregations continued their established “Anglo” pattern, but new forces built up after the Lubavitch Chabad movement began in Shepparton, a town outside Melbourne, with a Chabad yeshivah which subsequently moved to Melbourne, where they created a range of institutions and a climate of learning and orthodoxy. In Sydney Lubavitch also became a force to be reckoned with. Chabad eventually branched out nationally, displaced the “establishment” leadership of the rabbinic organisations and in time took over suburban pulpits and in some cases the large “mother” congregations too, giving the community the perception that Eastern European Judaism was more authentic than Central or Western European.

An interesting development occurred in the liturgical area where also the German pattern was displaced. In the major orthodox congregations and even more in the liberal synagogues, the Western European musical influence had once been axiomatic. Lewandowski and Sulzer and their stately Westernised compositions had ruled for decades. Cantorial and choral programmes had been Germanic, evoking nostalgia amongst congregants who had grown up in this motif. At Temple Beth Israel in Melbourne, for example, the musical director was Dr Hermann Schildberger, who had come from a similar position in Berlin. Now a range of new composers entered synagogue services, and the happy-clappy Shlomo Carlebach trend – so different from the great German Carlebach rabbinic tradition – spread throughout orthodoxy and gained a liberal following also. By the final decades of the twentieth century the Australian liberal movement had almost severed its last ties with the German tradition.

Auf der Suche nach Akteuren, die Demokratiekompetenz besitzen oder erwerben könnten, richtet sich der Blick immer weniger auf die Berufs-Politik. Manche sehen Chancen für eine Wiederbelebung bürgergesellschaftlicher Partizipation in Ansätzen aktiver Konsumentenverantwortung. Gerade der Verbraucherschutz eigne sich dazu, handwerkliche Demokratiekompetenz zu erlernen, etwa mit der scheinbar trivialen Frage: »Wie erreiche ich, dass wir unsere Schule durch eine lokale Bio-Molkerei beliefern lassen?« Vince Karissa 8BBhx
Analoge Fragen des Klima- und Umweltschutzes eröffnen demnach neue Möglichkeiten des politischen Engagements, das überdies stets lokale und regionale mit globalen Agenden verbindet.

Es wäre naiv, die umwelt- und klimapolitischen Reformen einzig auf die Kraft von Sonne und Wind in einer »dritten industriellen Revolution« und auf die Implementierungsfähigkeit ihrer Governance-Strukturen zu setzen, während Ansätze von citizen education und citizen empowerment immer nur am Rande gestreift und dann vor allem als Akzeptanzproblem neuer Technologien, als Vollzugsdefizit der Gesetzgebung oder Informationsmangel des rational kalkulierenden Verbrauchers verstanden werden. In den Überlegungen zur Bewältigung der Folgen des Klimawandels können zentrale Fragen demokratischer Teilhabe endlich entdeckt und ernst genommen werden. Der sozial- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Forschung kommt dabei eine Renaissance ihrer Entdeckerrolle zu; der Politik stellt sich die Aufgabe, das ernst zu nehmen, was an Handlungsstrategien und Innovationspotentialen auf Seiten der Bürgerinnen und Bürger entdeckt wird.

Postscriptum

Der keineswegs plötzliche Einbruch der »Finanzkrise« (gemeint ist das unverantwortliche Spekulationsgebaren an Banken und Börsen aufgrund einer von den OECD-Staaten verantworteten und bereitwillig eingegangenen Deregulierung seit den 1970er Jahren) lässt die »Klimakrise« (und übrigens auch die »Terrorkrise«) in einem neuen Licht erscheinen und stellt insofern auch die demokratische Frage neu. [17] Dass Regierungen, Zentralbanken und transnationale Agenturen den Staat wieder einbringen und nun Mittel aufbringen in einer vielfachen Höhe dessen, was für den Klimaschutz angeblich nicht aufzutreiben war, demonstriert nur scheinbar, dass der Staat zu einer aktiven Infrastrukturpolitik zurückkehren kann. Denn in Wahrheit dürfte sich die Staatsfunktion auf eine minimale, fast frühneuzeitliche Schutzfunktion in Notstands- und Ausnahmesituationen beschränken, in der er, der Staat, als Deichbauer tätig wird, nun aber alle »aktiven« Aufgaben von der Bildungs- über die Sozial- bis zur Umweltpolitik privatisieren könnte und in allen Fällen nur eine Art Notstandsregime installiert, das dann auf Bürgerbeteiligung nicht lange warten und Rücksicht nehmen kann. Stuart Weitzman Rosemarie t3gJs
Wie schon der »War Against Terror« als Geheimdienstaufgabe definiert wurde, wird nun auch die Finanzkrise mit dem Schleier der Unwissenheit überdeckt – die Kunden dürfen nicht wissen, wie es tatsächlich um Ihre Ersparnisse, Altersvorsorge und Bonität steht.

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Handover 2016-2017

Friends of the Forum - First Preparatory Meeting at the United Nations Office at Geneva

About GFMD

Since its inception in 2007, the GFMD has helped shape the global debate on migration and development, by offering a space where governments can discuss the multi-dimensional aspects, opportunities and challenges related to migration and its inter-linkages with development. Through the years, the GFMD has also evolved into a process that allows governments to openly analyze and discuss sensitive and sometimes controversial issues, to listen to different positions and explore synergies and joint solutions through partnerships. In the process, it has contributed to deepening the understanding of the complex relationship between migration and development, and infused the global debate on this critical issue with more clarity, objectivity and coherence.

Our Partners

The GFMD is the singular and biggest informal but state-led global process on migration and development outside the UN framework. It maintains its strong links with the United Nations, nonetheless, through the strategic guidance of the UN SRSG for International Migration and the support of the Global Migration Group . To promote an inclusive and constructive dialogue and collaborative action, the GFMD engages with governments and other relevant stakeholders, including international organizations, the civil society and the private sector. Partnership and cooperation is a principal modality of the process.

Our Impact

As a state-led, informal and non-binding process, the Forum has generated significant results in terms of policy development and action at the national, regional and international levels. Its accumulated knowledge and practice and policy-oriented outcomes now serve as key reference points for both government policy-makers and other relevant stakeholders in migration and development field. In recent years, the GFMD has contributed to the global efforts to include migration in the 2030 Agenda and to advocate for a Global Compact on safe, orderly, regular and responsible migration.

GFMD 2017-2018 Co-Chairmanship
"Towards a Global Social Contract on Migration and Development”

Germany and Morocco have assumedthe co-chairmanship of the Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) from 1 January 2017 until 31 December 2018.

During this two-year period, the focus will be on the contribution of the GFMD to the United Nations’ Global Compact on Migration. The Compact is intended to constitute a strong signal of the international community for an enhanced global migration policy, to be adopted by the community of states in 2018.

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GFMD Civil Society's 10 Acts for the Global Compact

Statement by Ms. Wies Maas, Chair of Tenth GFMD Civil Society Days

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